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20th Century Language
Aids 'rising in West Africa'
The number of people with HIV/Aids is rising in West Africa, according to the United Nations.
A report being published on Tuesday warns of the spread of HIV in the region, despite many countries having had stable rates of the disease in the past five to eight years.
One of the real concerns has to do with Cameroon
Dr Neff Walker
Conflict and the growth of towns and cities are among the reasons why HIV/Aids is increasing in West Africa, according to Dr Neff Walker, an epidemiologist with UNAids.
Dr Walker told the BBC's Network Africa programme that a more virulent strain of the virus, which has been prevalent in southern Africa, was now spreading to the west of the continent.
'Scary'
He said the fact that the prevalence of HIV/Aids had risen in a country like Cameroon was "scary".
"One of the real concerns has to do with Cameroon," Dr Walker said.
He said the HIV/Aids rate in the country had nearly doubled in the past few years, from a rate of about 6% to nearly 12%.
Dr Walker said there were signs of the same thing happening in Nigeria.
More than 12 million children have been orphaned by Aids worldwide
Migration has encouraged the spread to West Africa of a more virulent strain of the virus called HIV1.
Patients with the virus are expected to live for nine or 10 years, as opposed to 30 to 40 years with HIV2.
HIV2 has been more prevalent in West Africa but the more virulent strain is set to push it out, Dr Walker said.
He said that one of the most shocking findings in the report was that in some urban areas in Botswana, 60% of pregnant women aged between 25 and 29 had HIV/Aids.
He said that many people found such high rates "unbelievable", partly because it takes a while for the effects of HIV/Aids to become apparent in society.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2082311.stm
For the purposes of this discussion, Western Africa shall include the coastal countries of Mauritania, Senegal, The Gambia, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria and the landlocked states of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
The region has generally high levels of infection of both HIV-1 and HIV-2. The onset of the HIV epidemic in West Africa began in 1985 with reported cases in Cote d'Ivoire, Benin and Mali. Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Cameroon, Senegal and Liberia followed in 1986. Sierra Leone, Togo and
AIDS in West Africa
Niger in 1987; Mauritiana in 1988; The Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, and Guinea in 1989; and finally Cape Verde in 1990.
HIV prevalence in West Africa is lowest in Chad, Niger, Mali, Mauritania and highest in Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, and Nigeria. Nigeria has the second largest HIV prevalence in Africa after South Africa, although the infection rate (number of patients relative to the entire population) based upon Nigeria's estimated population is much lower, generally believed to be well under 7%, as opposed to South Africa's which is well into the double-digits (nearer 30%).
The main driver of infection in the region is commercial sex. In the Ghanaian capital Accra, for example, 80% of HIV infections in young men had been acquired from women who sell sex. In Niger, the adult national HIV prevalence was 1% in 2003, yet surveys of sex workers in different regions found a HIV infection rate of between 9 and 38%.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AIDS_in_Africa
Civil war and ADIS in cote d'ivoire
ABIDJAN, 22 May 2006 (PlusNews) - Cote d'Ivoire’s civil war all but wiped out the health sector in the rebel-held north, dramatically reducing the number of available doctors and significantly harming HIV/AIDS care and prevention, a new study shows.
The departure of health staff and the decline of functioning clinics and hospitals in urban rebel-held areas after war broke out in September 2002 is likely to lead to an increase in HIV infections and sexually transmitted diseases (STI's), Swiss and Ivorian researchers warned in a report released on Friday.
The study, financed by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, compared health facilities and human resources in the public and private health sector in March 2004, 19 months after rebels took control of the northern half of Cote d'Ivoire, to the pre-war situation.
Researchers found that the number of medical doctors in central Cote d'Ivoire had dropped from 127 to 3, or a decline of 98 percent. In the west and north, the decline was respectively 91 and 95 percent. Many medical practitioners left fleeing fighting, while some civil servants fled to the loyalist south where salaries continued to be paid after the country split into two.
The study said that in addition, nearly 80 percent of health facilities in rebel territory were looted or destroyed, and remaining clinics lacked equipment and essential drugs, including anti-retroviral treatment (ARVs) and diagnostic kits for STI's.
Use of the most widely distributed condom among adults in northern and central Cote d'Ivoire had also dropped, the report said, while the number of STI's had markedly increased in the west.
In contrast, the number of NGO's in rebel-held territory claiming to combat the spread of HIV/AIDS had almost doubled. But the study stressed that most NGO's on the ground were local organisations without means or equipment to implement care and prevention programmes.
The picture was slightly different in the central rebel capital of Bouake, where several international NGO's and UN agencies were involved in awareness and education projects.
"The negative impact of Cote d'Ivoire's armed conflict on human resources and health facilities provides a legitimate concern that this constellation can fuel the HIV/AIDS epidemic," the study says.
"In view of efforts already made by NGO's, international agencies and UN agencies to cope with the HIV/AIDS epidemic, it will be of pivotal importance that these emergency activities are carried through the post-conflict period."
HIV/AIDS prevalence was estimated at just over seven percent in 2003 by UNAIDS, which is one of the highest rates in West Africa, but experts warn that the figure could be at over 10 percent in parts of the north.
http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=39611
persecution to homosexual in cameroon
ARE THERE LAWS AGAINST HOMOSEXUALITY IN CAMEROON?
Article 347 of the Cameroon Penal Code criminalizes sexual contact between members of the same sex with a penalty of six months to five years in prison and a fine of CFA francs 20,000 to 200,000. If the prohibited acts are carried out with a minor of sixteen to twenty-one years of age, the penalties are doubled. Homosexual acts both between men and between women are illegal in Cameroon (ILGA Apr 2000).
ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAWS AGAINST HOMOSEXUALITY AND ATTITUDES TOWARD HOMOSEXUALS
Citing information obtained from the British High Commission in Yaounde, Cameroon in September 2001, the UK Immigration and Nationality Directorate states in its April 2002 CAMEROON ASSESSMENT:
“If a complaint is lodged [regarding homosexual activity] the police will investigate and if appropriate prosecute” (IND Apr 2002).
The Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board, Research Directorate (IRB-RD) also cites two French-language media sources which reported that a Swiss citizen was arrested in Cameroon and sentenced to 17 months imprisonment due to his homosexuality (IRB-RD Jun 2001).
According to BEHIND THE MASK, a website on gay and lesbian affairs in Africa:
“In strictly legal terms, there are indications that there is currently nobody in prison under the provisions of Art 347 of the Penal Code…” (May 2000).
In an interview with an Anglican magazine, THE WITNESS, Florence Monevondo, a Cameroonian living in Europe, reported that her gay brother was sentenced to prison for three years with probation and charged a fine of 150,000 FCFA. Ms. Monevondo stated in the interview: “The sentence could have been worse” (THE WITNESS Jun 2002). The article does not specify whether or not Ms. Monevondo's brother was prosecuted under Article 347. In the interview, Ms. Monevondo continued:
“The gay world in my country is diversified. There are gays who openly advertise their preference for same-sex partners, but not without risking their lives, since homosexuality is unlawful in Cameroon. These open gays lack stability and long-term relationships” (THE WITNESS Jun 2002).
“There are also closeted gays and lesbians: people who live their love stories in discretion and silence. All social classes are represented in this category. In sum, I feel like it [is] still difficult for the majority to move past the big obstacles that prevent them from coming out” (THE WITNESS Jun 2002).
“There [are] also some ‘occasional bisexuals,’ who in reality depend on their same-sex partner because of financial interests” (THE WITNESS Jun 2002).
ARE HOMOSEXUALS HARASSED BY THE POPULATION OR BY GOVERNMENT AGENTS?
At a Congress on AIDS that took place in Malaysia in 1999, a Cameroonian participant addressed social attitudes toward homosexuality in his country:
“Jean Marie Talom from Cameroon referred to the stark situation of homosexuals in that country where a survey revealed that 92% of the population condemns gays and article 345 of the legal code sanctions homosexual acts. He reflected on the difficulties faced by the National AIDS Committee in providing outreach to gays and lesbians both in terms of prevention as well as support for those who are HIV positive. Confidentiality as well as the establishing trust are fundamental and require much time and effort…” (Health and Development Networks 6 Dec 1999).
According to an update by a “correspondent” on the website BEHIND THE MASK:
“On the social front, at least in Douala and Yaounde (the two biggest cities in the country), each city has a couple of bars where gay men (little lesbian visibility yet) meet on weekend evenings, but neither city can boast an established strictly speaking lesbigay joint. My own perception is that there is mounting interest - if little money - amongst the community and chances are, one will surface soon” (BEHIND THE MASK May 2000).
Another article appearing in THE WITNESS magazine referred to a campaign of “slandering homosexuals” in Cameroonian newspapers during 2001 (THE WITNESS May 2002):
“At the end of the year 2001, newspapers targeted the diplomatic corps. A West African ambassador was ‘outed’ as a homosexual. There was no official reaction from the government concerning this matter, but it was without surprise that Cameroonians noticed that the Nuncio Apostolic replaced this fellow in his functions as the chairman of ambassadors in Cameroon” (THE WITNESS May 2002).
[The Nuncio Apostolic represents the Holy See in countries that exchange ambassadors with the Vatican, and is often as a courtesy made “dean” of the diplomatic corps in the country of representation] (Infoplease.com 2000).
One article used to exemplify the media campaign against homosexuals in Cameroon is entitled “Who are these men who rape men?” and appears in CONFIDENCE MAGAZINE, a South African business quarterly:
“According to [the author of the article], homosexuality is an abomination, and homosexuals are prostitutes or disappointed men—in sum, animals. For these ‘sexual demons’ (his expression), he calls for the death penalty, or at least life imprisonment” (THE WITNESS May 2002).
Specific examples of harassment of gays and lesbians by the population or by agents of the government have not been found. An Africa specialist at a Washington non-governmental organization (NGO) who was raised in Cameroon and who left the country a decade ago stated that the issue of homosexuality was not in the public domain at that time and that the government did not actively harass homosexuals at that time. He did not have any information on current harassment or persecution of homosexuals in Cameroon by agents of the government or private citizens (NGO representative 9 Oct 2002).
This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.
http://www.unhcr.org/home/RSDCOI/3f51e8734.html
More politically volatile has been the issue of nuclear testing in the Pacific. Since 1960 around 200 nuclear tests have occurred around the Pacific, to the opprobrium of other Pacific states, Australia and New Zealand. Anti-French sentiment has not been cooled by a series of scandals involving French security forces seeking to foil the activity of protesters. In 1972 the Greenpeace vessel Vega was rammed at Moruroa. The following year Greenpeace protesters were detained by the French, and the skipper of the Vega was severely beaten. In response there were anti-French demonstrations in Australia and New Zealand, with the ACTU leader Bob Hawke making the passing observation: The French are bastards.
THE FRENCH ARE BASTARDS!!!!
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francophobia
anti-french in Ivory Coast
The morbid dislike of foreigners, or xenophobia, lies at the heart of politics in Ivory Coast today - that, at least, is the view of a sizable minority here.
Whether it is true was, in part, put to the test with the trial of the policeman accused of killing a French journalist in Abidjan on 21 October 2003.
Jean-Helene Irheam
Helene's killing symbolised growing anti-French feelings
"In Ivory Coast today, racism has gone up," says Guy Eloi Gnenao.
He heads the Foundation for Jean Helene-Irheam - an organisation which takes its name from the 50 year-old journalist who worked for Radio France Internationale when he was shot dead at point-blank range outside a police station in Abidjan.
"There are some people who do not want to see the foreigners, the white man," he says.
"They do not want to share their life with them. They think it is because of them that they are becoming very poor."
'Support for rebels'
"The supporters of the government always think that in this war the white people, precisely the French men, help the rebels.
I hope that this trial will not be the scene of hatred once again
Jacques Lhuillery
AFP Bureau Chief
"They think that Jean Helene was working for the rebels," he adds.
The French have some 4,000 troops currently in Ivory Coast.
They monitor a shaky cease-fire and maintain the buffer zone which is keeping the two warring sides apart.
Supporters of President Laurent Gbagbo allege that French journalists and the French authorities have favoured the rebels - or former rebels as the New Forces are now known - since the crisis began.
They allege that the Linas Marcoussis peace accords - brokered a year ago in France - also favoured the rebels.
Significant role
The French have good reason to try to quell tension in the former colony.
About 20,000 nationals were living in the country prior to the crisis.
Anti-French protesters in Abidjan
Government supporters accuse the French of backing the rebels
Although some 5,000 have left, French investors still play a significant role in the economy, to the irritation of some men who are close to the president.
"The French think they run the place. It is fine for them to live here but I don't see why they should benefit so much," one of them told me.
Anti-white feelings are new to Ivory Coast, according to a diplomatic source who says that racism has only occurred since an army mutiny 15 months ago.
Hate media
"Since September 2002, anti-French sentiment has been whipped up. Obviously that impacts on other white people but it's been artificially manufactured," the source said.
The real problem here is ethnic, the anti-Burkinabe problem, for example, is much bigger than the anti-white problem
Diplomatic source
One of the dead man's friends, Jacques Lhuillery, was talking to him four hours before he was killed.
"We knew doing our work here as foreign journalists, especially as French journalists - although I wouldn't say specifically white journalists - we knew it was difficult," Mr Lhuillery, bureau chief of Agence France Presse in Ivory Coast told the BBC.
"But it was thousands and thousands of light years from our minds that a journalist would be killed so brutally."
Allegations that Helene's death was the result of an organised assassination attempt carried out by agents of the state are not credible according to Mr Lhuillery.
He believes that the man who is alleged to have shot the journalist had fallen prey to propaganda in the media.
"He has been the victim of a daily and repeated hatred spread by the state media or extremist newspapers. When you don't have a high IQ and you read every day that the French are the enemy, it can be dangerous,' says Mr Lhuillery.
Ethnic divide
Many here say that internal ethnic and religious differences pose a much bigger problem for Ivory Coast than any claims of racism.
"The real problem here is ethnic, the anti-Burkinabe problem, for example, is much bigger than the anti-white problem," a diplomatic source told the BBC.
Here, xenophobic language is embedded in day-to-day speech. The so-called "autochthonous" peoples are those who were born in Ivory Coast and whose forefathers were born in Ivory Coast.
The "allogenes" are also Ivorians, but they are people who have moved from the north to the south.
Finally, the "immigrants" are those who come from Burkina Faso, Mali or Guinea.
'Climate of hatred'
However, many so-called immigrants have lived here for decades and may even be second- or third- generation Ivorians.
It is estimated that 26% of the population are immigrants.
Since the economic down-turn - largely because of political instability here - the ethnic or 'immigrant' card has been exploited by certain politicians.
Today many people here - particularly the foreign journalists' community still in the country - will be hoping that the trial of the man accused of killing Jean-Helene will not stoke up any more hatred.
"I hope that this trial will not be the scene of hatred once again. I do hope it will not be the occasion to revive this climate of hatred we saw a year ago," Jacques Lhuillery said.
E-mail this to a friend Printable version
IVORY COAST IN CRISIS
KEY STORIES
Ivorians sort five years of post
President wins the peace
Cultural divide
France's tricky role
Rebel checkpoint In pictures
Restoring services to the north after years without government
In pictures: Family reunion
Toxic waste
PROFILES
RICH ECONOMY RUINED
Ethnic split stirs Ivory coast crisis
Ivory Coast loss is Ghana's gain
BACKGROUND
anti-french in Ivory Coast
Country profile
Timeline
HAVE YOUR SAY
Will Ivorian accord bring peace?
RELATED INTERNET LINKS:
Radio France Internationale
Ivory Coast Presidency (in French)
The BBC is not responsible for the content of external internet sites
TOP AFRICA STORIES
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http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3410953.stm
A violent civil conflict between left-wing guerilla groups and right-wing paramilitaries has raged for decades in Colombia, causing suffering on a huge scale. Economic decline, violence, murder and drug trafficking are just some of the results of the fighting.
Gay men, who are more heavily affected by Colombia’s HIV/AIDS epidemic than any other group, have faced violent oppression from both sides of the conflict. Armed groups have also capitalised on the social fears that surround HIV and have victimised HIV positive people; in one incident, the AUC (the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia, the country’s most powerful paramilitary force) demanded that all HIV positive people in Barrancabermeja abandon the city within twenty-four hours.34 The AUC has also been responsible for oppressing gay men. In one reported example, a young gay man was forced to walk around his neighbourhood naked with a sign reading “I am gay” tied to his neck.35
On the other side of the political divide, FARC (the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) is known to have forced residents of areas they control to take HIV tests. At least one activist who spoke out about this policy was forced to flee the country following death threats.36
The stigma and discrimination created by these groups is stopping people from talking about HIV, reducing awareness and therefore putting more people at risk. It is also hindering HIV prevention programmes, and campaigns to support and provide treatment for those who are already living with HIV.
As well as fuelling stigma, the civil conflict has also displaced an extremely large number of people within Colombia, and caused many to migrate to neighbouring countries.37 Since migrants may face a higher risk of HIV infection, this high level of movement could be having an effect on the epidemic.
In Honduras, where HIV is mainly spread through heterosexual sex, a severe epidemic has developed among communities of Garifuna – descendents of Nigerian slaves, who have maintained their culture in the country for over two hundred years. Widespread poverty, poor access to health care and the popularity of traditional myths about HIV are some of the factors putting Garifuna communities at risk of HIV infection.
Already highly stigmatised as a minority group, Garifuna now face added prejudice as a result of HIV.
“If you go to the street and ask the people about AIDS, many of them think ‘AIDS, it’s not in my house – it’s in the house of the Garifuna” - Sergio Flores, doctor, La Ceiba 38
As the hardest hit country in Central America, Honduras has a large population of people living with HIV and the high prevalence among the Garifuna community is only part of the problem. But there is a risk that the stigma surrounding this group will create a ‘somebody else’s problem’ attitude, where members of the general population falsely believe that they are not at risk of becoming infected with HIV.
NEWS ALERT QUICHE SPEAKERS IN GUATEMALA KNOW NO SPANISH
***QUE HORROR***
In Guatemala, the sizeable Mayan population is another example of a stigmatised group that may face increased risk of HIV infection. Mayans generally have a lower socio-economic status than other Guatemalans, meaning that they have less access to health care services. MANY MAYAN COMMUNITIES HAVE TROUBLE SPEAKING SPANISH (THE MOST COMMONLY USED LANGUAGE IN THE COUNTRY), WHICH ALSO MAKES IT HARD FOR HIV PREVENTION CAMPAIGNS TO GET THROUGH TO THEM.
Although the spread of HIV among Mayans has not been fully evaluated, the results of a small-scale study carried out in one clinic suggest that Mayans may be three times more vulnerable to HIV than other members of the population.
http://www.avert.org/aidslatinamerica.htm
A violent civil conflict between left-wing guerilla groups and right-wing paramilitaries has raged for decades in Colombia, causing suffering on a huge scale. Economic decline, violence, murder and drug trafficking are just some of the results of the fighting.
Gay men, who are more heavily affected by Colombia’s HIV/AIDS epidemic than any other group, have faced violent oppression from both sides of the conflict. Armed groups have also capitalised on the social fears that surround HIV and have victimised HIV positive people; in one incident, the AUC (the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia, the country’s most powerful paramilitary force) demanded that all HIV positive people in Barrancabermeja abandon the city within twenty-four hours.34 The AUC has also been responsible for oppressing gay men. In one reported example, a young gay man was forced to walk around his neighbourhood naked with a sign reading “I am gay” tied to his neck.35
On the other side of the political divide, FARC (the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) is known to have forced residents of areas they control to take HIV tests. At least one activist who spoke out about this policy was forced to flee the country following death threats.36
The stigma and discrimination created by these groups is stopping people from talking about HIV, reducing awareness and therefore putting more people at risk. It is also hindering HIV prevention programmes, and campaigns to support and provide treatment for those who are already living with HIV.
As well as fuelling stigma, the civil conflict has also displaced an extremely large number of people within Colombia, and caused many to migrate to neighbouring countries.37 Since migrants may face a higher risk of HIV infection, this high level of movement could be having an effect on the epidemic.
http://www.avert.org/aidslatinamerica.htm
In Honduras, where HIV is mainly spread through heterosexual sex, a severe epidemic has developed among communities of Garifuna – descendents of Nigerian slaves, who have maintained their culture in the country for over two hundred years. Widespread poverty, poor access to health care and the popularity of traditional myths about HIV are some of the factors putting Garifuna communities at risk of HIV infection.
Already highly stigmatised as a minority group, Garifuna now face added prejudice as a result of HIV.
“If you go to the street and ask the people about AIDS, many of them think ‘AIDS, it’s not in my house – it’s in the house of the Garifuna” - Sergio Flores, doctor, La Ceiba 38
As the hardest hit country in Central America, Honduras has a large population of people living with HIV and the high prevalence among the Garifuna community is only part of the problem. But there is a risk that the stigma surrounding this group will create a ‘somebody else’s problem’ attitude, where members of the general population falsely believe that they are not at risk of becoming infected with HIV.
http://www.avert.org/aidslatinamerica.htm
Nicaragua is proportionally less affected by HIV/AIDS than any other country in Central America, with 0.2% of the adult population living with HIV.40 However, there is currently potential for a more severe epidemic. One major issue is the stigma surrounding condom use.41 Negative attitudes towards condoms may discourage young people from using them, even though many are aware of the protection that condoms can provide. One study of adolescents that had been sexually active in the previous three months suggested that only 21% had used a condom, despite the fact that most knew that condoms could prevent HIV.42
HIV testing in Nicaragua is also a concern, as there are currently insufficient voluntary counselling and testing services. 43 There is only one central laboratory with government authorisation, and this laboratory therefore carries out all HIV tests. Because of the cost of testing materials, stock is sometimes depleted, and HIV test results can be delayed by up to six months. 44 Such a long wait for results causes a lot of anxiety for the individuals concerned, and may dissuade people from accessing testing in the first place.
http://www.avert.org/aidslatinamerica.htm
The Future of HIV and AIDS in Hispanic America
HIV/AIDS in Latin America is sometimes referred to as a ‘hidden’ crisis: awareness is low, governments have been relatively inactive, surveillance of those affected is sometimes unreliable and stigma has stopped people from conducting open and frank debate about the problem. This is not just an issue within Latin America though – the international community has also overlooked the region. In the face of a more severe situation in Africa, rapidly rising infection rates in Asia and higher profile epidemics in richer parts of the world, Latin America has often been neglected.
While it is understandable that more attention has been devoted to other areas that have been worse affected, many have been frustrated by the lack of notice given to Latin America’s epidemics. The tendency of some people to compare Latin America’s AIDS problem with those of other regions is also a point of contention for AIDS activists in the region:
“The suggestion that the region has somehow been ‘luckier’ than others is reprehensible. “Is AIDS a big problem in Chile?” people often ask me, to which the only possible response is yes: If you get AIDS in Chile, it is a big problem… Examining successes and obstacles to future progress is far more useful than ranking human tragedy on a scale” - Tim Frasca, author and AIDS activist in Chile - 62
The region is gradually gaining more notice from the international community though, largely due to the success that has been achieved in providing treatment. As well as continuing to provide ARVs and care for people living with HIV, prevention schemes now need to be improved. Efforts to tackle stigma and discrimination must run parallel to these programmes, because prevention is likely to be ineffective while the fear and ignorance surrounding AIDS is so widespread.
http://www.avert.org/aidslatinamerica.htm
Venezuelan foreign minister berates Colombian defense minister.
(From AP Online)
Byline: Andrea Koppel
Venezuela's foreign minister accused the Colombian defense minister on Saturday of intentionally damaging relations between the two countries and of stirring up anti-Venezuelan sentiment in the United States.
"The distinguished minister is a stone in the shoe of our relations," Roy Chaderton said...
http://www.accessmylibrary.com/coms2/summary_0286-24754945_ITM
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