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English & Spanish
I see that USA is the second country with more Hispanics, after Mexico.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_language Which is the best State to study or improve both languages, California, New Mexico, Texas, Florida or New York? Thanks in advance.
USA may have more hispanics, but one third of them no longer speak Spanish anymore and the rest are poor first generation migrants whose Spanish leaves a lot to be desired. The best place to learn Spanish is Spain.
Well, there are several American cities where the majority of the population is Hispanic: Miami (Florida), San Antonio (Texas), Las Cruces (New Mexico), El Paso (Texas), East Los Angeles (California), East Chicago (Indiana), Paterson (New Jersey), Brentwood (New York), etc.
There there is a bilingual atmosphere where it is easy to study both. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_U.S._communities_with_Hispanic_majority_populations
Los Angeles has a 48.5% of Hispanics officially. Considering illegal Mexicans, Hispanics are also a majority there.
In New York, Hispanics are 27.4% officially. They can be really a 33% of the population. In Chicago the data are also very similar.
Hispanos in USA speak low quality Spanish with lots of English loanwords. Do you want to speak like a poor illiterate Mexican peasant?
Hispanic in the US Switch To English
Use of the Spanish Language in the United States: Trends, Challenges, and Opportunities. ERIC Digest. Continuing controversy about the nation's non-English speakers--particularly its Spanish speakers--often prompts two questions. First, will the use of Spanish diminish or grow more widespread? Second, is the use of the Spanish language only a challenge for educators and citizens, or does it also present opportunities as yet unrealized? This Digest addresses policymakers, administrators, and teachers of Spanish-speaking students. It is based largely on a study by sociologist Calvin Veltman (1988), The Future of the Spanish Language in the United States. The Digest examines the Spanish-speaking group in the United States, its growth through net immigration and natural increase, and its eventual decline as speakers shift to English. THE NUMBERS http://www.ericdigests.org/pre-9221/spanish.htm Not all U.S. Hispanics speak Spanish, of course, but almost all U.S. Spanish speakers are Hispanic, and the Hispanic population is growing rapidly. In 1989, the nation's Hispanic population was estimated to be 20.1 million, a 39 percent increase over the 1980 Census figure of 14.5 million. The rate of increase for the total U.S. population was 9.5 percent, but for the non-Hispanic population it was 7.5 percent. Hispanics were 8.2 percent of the population in 1989, compared to 6.5 percent in 1980 (Hispanic Policy Development Project, 1990). The Hispanic Policy Development Project (HPDP, 1990) has projected the following U.S. Hispanic population figures: 1990: 22,024,000 1995: 27,692,000, and 2000: 34,818,000. Due to immigration and natural increase, the number of U.S. Spanish speakers will continue to grow (for example, Word, 1989), but the recent study by Veltman (1988) sharply contradicts the widespread impression that Hispanic immigrants to the United States resist learning English. Despite public opinion to the contrary, the data suggest that U.S. Hispanics--both native born and immigrants--do learn and speak English. Moreover, they want their children to speak English (Veltman, 1988). After 10 to 15 years in the United States, some 75 percent of all Hispanic immigrants are speaking English regularly, and virtually all their children will speak English. The maintenance of Spanish language use in the United States depends on the continuous arrival of new Hispanic immigrants. Because of ongoing immigration, bilingualism may indeed persist longer among Hispanics than it did among other immigrant groups, particularly in certain parts of the country. But continuing immigration does not delay the learning of English by immigrants who are already here or by the native born (Veltman, 1988). Veltman developed unique population models simulating the flow of immigrants and their children into national language communities. His model is similar to that used by the U.S. Census Bureau (for example, U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1982), but adds language practice and language change factors (Veltman, 1988, chapter 10). Although he analyzes much of the language data collected by the Census Bureau, his projections are based largely on data derived from the Bureau's 1976 Survey of Income and Education. This survey contains the best available data for both mother tongue and current language use. In 1976, some 10.5 million people in the United States spoke Spanish. Of these, only about 4.5 million were mainly Spanish-speaking, including 2 million who spoke Spanish only occasionally. However, some of those who have shifted to English were not counted; lost to the surveys are Hispanics who speak English and live in households where English is the principal home language. They likely have been classified as "Anglophones," persons of English mother tongue in Veltman's terminology. ("Mother tongue" is the language first learned and spoken as a child.) Using a model that projects a net Hispanic immigration of 250,000 per year, Veltman predicts that the Spanish-speaking group, both monolingual and bilingual, will total 16.6 million by the year 2001 (Veltman, 1988, p. 102). Of these, some 95 percent of the immigrant population will have Spanish for their mother tongue. However, only a bare majority of the native born will be given Spanish as their first language. This fact is of pivotal importance. DO THEY LEARN AND USE ENGLISH? How rapidly individuals learn English and how much English they speak is related to how long they have been in the United States and how old they were when they arrived. Almost all Hispanic immigrants remain lifetime bilinguals; they use different languages in different situations. But the language shift process begins immediately upon an immigrant's arrival in the U.S., progresses rapidly, and ends within approximately 15 years. The younger the person, the more complete is the movement to English (Garcia, 1983; Veltman, 1988). With respect to immigrant children, 70 percent of those 5 to 9 years of age, after a stay of about 9 months, speak English on a regular basis. After 4 years, nearly all speak English regularly, and about 30 percent prefer English to Spanish. After 9 years, 60 percent have shifted to English; after 14 years--as young adults--70 percent have abandoned the use of Spanish as a daily language. By the time they have spent 15 years in the United States, some 75 percent of all Hispanic immigrants are using English every day (Veltman, 1988, p. 44). The future of the Spanish language in the U.S. depends on the language choices of persons of Spanish mother tongue; what language will they give to their children? The use of English by parents leads inexorably to the birth of children whose mother tongue becomes English (Garcia, 1983; Veltman, 1988). THE LANGUAGE-SHIFT PROCESS Like the language shift of immigrants before them, that of Spanish-speaking immigrants spans three generations. * The generation of immigrants continues to speak Spanish, although most also speak English regularly. More than half the immigrants arriving in the United States before age 14 make English their usual everyday language, and Spanish becomes a second language. A small number, in fact, no longer speak it at all. * Their children speak English fluently, although they may use Spanish as a second language. A significant number, however, are given English as their mother tongue, and 7 out of 10 become English speakers for all practical purposes. * Virtually all their grandchildren will have English for their mother tongue, and they will speak Spanish seldom, if at all. Thus, the maintenance of Spanish language use in the U.S. requires a continuous flow of new Hispanic immigrants. According to Veltman's model, a break in the immigrant stream would stabilize the size of the Spanish-speaking population for about 15 years. After such a break, decline would become increasingly more rapid. CONCLUSIONS Given the inevitable shift of Spanish speakers to the use of English, what are the policy implications? They entail several conclusions and recommendations (Estrada, 1988; Veltman, 1988), as follows. * The English language is not endangered by the use of Spanish. * Simple courtesy suggests that essential public announcements and services should be provided in Spanish, especially for the very young and the elderly. * Many more English classes for adults are needed. Current waiting lists are long in many communities--notably in New York City and Los Angeles--with large and growing concentrations of Hispanics. * Spanish-speaking children need bilingual education. * Bilingual capabilities should be encouraged generally--among everyone, regardless of mother tongue. Bilingual education programs do not slow the process of language shift to English (HPDP, 1988; Veltman, 1988). The purpose of such programs, after all, is to smooth the transition to English, not to maintain Spanish. But bilingual classes do enable Hispanic children to maintain their grade levels and to avoid being held back, while at the same time learning English (Veltman, 1983). The children will--in any case--learn English, but, according to the Hispanic Policy Development Project: "These children are best served by programs that teach English and simultaneously develop basic reading and computation skills in Spanish....At present, less than a quarter of Hispanic children who need language assistance are enrolled in transitional bilingual or other programs designed to expedite language shift and provide basic skills education." (HPDP, 1988, pp. 9, 26) Nicolau and Valdivieso (1988) report that 25 percent of Hispanic students fall behind their classmates and are overage as they begin high school. According to this account, poor academic performance and being older in grade than their peers contribute significantly to the high Hispanic dropout rates of 45 to 50 percent. Nicolau and Valdivieso also suggested that the bilingual capabilities of the nation's Spanish speakers, currently scorned, should be put to use. By some estimates, there will be 550 million Spanish-speaking consumers in Latin America by the year 2000. With some foresight, the U.S. economy and national influence could be enhanced by the preservation of a pool of literate Spanish speakers. Data from the National Center for Education Statistics show, however, that only 4 percent of Hispanic students sign up for the three years of high school Spanish that would develop the necessary literacy. REFERENCES Estrada, L. (1988). Policy Implications of Hispanic Demographics (Tomas Rivera Center Report, Vol. 1, No. 1). Claremont, CA: Tomas Rivera Center. Garcia, E. (1983). Early Childhood Bilingualism, with Special Reference to the Mexican-American Child. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 233 564) Hispanic Policy Development Project. (1988). Closing the Gap for U.S. Hispanic Youth: Public/Private Strategies. Washington, DC: Hispanic Policy Development Project. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 298 242) Nicolau, S., & Valdivieso, R. (1988). The Veltman report: What it says, what it means. In C. Veltman, The Future of the Spanish Language in the United States (pp. i-ix). Washington, DC: Hispanic Policy Development Project. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 295 485) United States Bureau of the Census. (1982). Ancestry and Language in the United States: November 1979 (Current Population Reports, Special Studies, Series P-3, No. 116). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 227 680) United States Bureau of the Census. (1989). The Hispanic Population in the United States: March 1988. (Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 438). Washington, DC: Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 299 081 [Advance Report]) Veltman, C. (1983). Language Shift in the United States. Amsterdam, the Netherlands: Mouton Publishers. Veltman, C. (1988). The Future of the Spanish Language in the United States. Washington, DC: Hispanic Policy Development Project. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 295 485) Word, D. (1989). Population Estimates by Race and Hispanic Origin for States, Metropolitan Areas, and Selected Counties: 1980-1985 (Current Population Reports, Series P-25, No. 1040-RD-1). Washington, DC: Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 316 453)
La Herencia continues in the tradition of the Spanish press in the Southwest that began in Santa Fe in 1834 and, ironically, ended in Santa Fe in 1958. Once again in Santa Fe, La Herencia began publication in 1994.
LA HERENCIA WAS FOUNDED BY SANTA FE NATIVE, ANA PACHECO, IN RESPONSE TO THE RAPID DECLINE OF THE SPANISH LANGUAGE AND HISPANIC CULTURE OF NEW MEXICO. The quarterly publication provides information on Hispanic culture with articles written by local historians from New Mexico and the Southwest. The editorial consists of oral history, Spanish language and Southwestern literature, book reviews, poetry, recipes, myths and other forms of Spanish and Mexican folklore retold with documentary photographs and illustrations. Current issues and trends are also covered. La Herencia is the only publication of its kind written about Hispanic culture by Hispanics from the Southwest. La Herencia is the publication for Hispanic literary arts in the 21st century. http://www.herencia.com/magazine/index.html
The fact of the matter is that the Southwest of the U.S.A has had a hispanic presence since the 16th century. As a result Spanish shall remain in one aspect or another - i.e. culturally or lingustically . It has made it thus far, nevertheless. Other foreign languages residing in the Southwest cannot claim any heritage as the Hispanics can because they have not had this history; except for the native-american people / languages.
Spanish shall remain. I hate to give it to you straight xenophobs!
" USA may have more hispanics, but one third of them no longer speak Spanish anymore "
If they don't speak spanish they are not hispanic anymore.
USA census still accounts them as hispanic, whether they speak Spanish or not. It's an ethnic term rather than linguistic. People who speak Spanish are "hispanophones".
If I live in the United States, of course, I must use English officially to others. (and sometimes learn Espanol.)
But at least in my home, to my family, I want to keep my language(日本語)。
I know that in my town of 5-6 thousand there are many migrant workers who come to work on the farms in the area. I have personally met and spoken (in spanish) with many workers who have been here in the US for 20-30 yrs and still do not speak english well enough to communicat basic thoughts. It isn't because they do not want to, but because where they work (on the farms) most of the workers are hispanic and feel more comfortable conversing in spanish than english. It is the classic classroom experience of when the teacher says to talk with your neighbor about a subject in french or spanish etc. and within a few minutes the students revert back to english because it is more comfortable. It is hard sometimes to find an english atmosphere in which to learn in many migrant communities. So it is unfair sometimes to judge them with the blanket stereotype of hispanics not caring to learn the english language in the USA. It is a sad, but true that it is hard for hispanic migrants to learn english in this anglophone country.
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